This argument was rejected by the Israeli Supreme Court. The presentation describes a monitoring mechanism for a policy that, in effect, deliberately reduced the standard of living in Gaza.
Statements made by politicians and top security officials at the time indicate that the policy was meant to put pressure on Hamas. First and foremost, we note that preventing the transfer of basic items to a civilian population as a means of exerting pressure on political or military actors violates international humanitarian law.
These days, it is difficult to find a politician or security expert in Israel who would say that the closure policy of benefitted Israel politically or in terms of security.
For more than two years now, Israel has not imposed any restrictions on the entrance of food to the Gaza Strip. Yet, the two fundamental tenets of the policy, the legal position and the political-security rationale, remain the basis for the current policy, which the security establishment calls "the separation policy. In practice, COGAT says, policy was guided by the inventory estimation model and the procedure for the entry of goods, not by the "red lines" document.
Following another petition to the High Court by Gisha, these two documents were published by Haaretz in October Gisha, however, doubts the claim that the "red lines" document was never actually used.
For instance, it said, the prosecution evidently relied on the minimum threshold the document sets for meat calves imported each week when it argued in court against Gisha's request that the quota be increased during the Eid al-Fitr holiday, at the end of Ramadan. COGAT responded that this particular figure was part of the inventory estimation model, and therefore that it was in use. International humanitarian organizations use a model called the Sphere standards to gauge a population's needs and determine the aid that should be sent to it in an emergency whether war or natural disaster.
This model is far more complex and less mathematical than the "red lines. The drafters of the "red lines" document noted that the quantity of fruit and vegetables Gaza could produce for itself was expected to decline from 1, tons a day to within a few months, due to the Israeli ban on bringing in seeds and other raw materials needed for agriculture, as well as the ban on exporting produce from the Strip.
They predicted a similar fate for the poultry industry. But they didn't propose any solution for this decline. If this reflects an authentic policy intended to cap food imports, this 'red lines' approach is contrary to humanitarian principles. If it is intended to prevent a humanitarian crisis by setting a minimum threshold, it has failed. Based on this knowledge, Turner asserted that "The facts on the ground in Gaza demonstrate that food imports consistently fell below the red lines.
Had official crossings been the only channel of food imports in the Gaza Strip and UN agencies not ensured that a minimal share of food reached the poorest, the recorded level of imports would have resulted in a substantial aggravation of nutritional deficiencies in the Gaza Strip. Asked whether the situation in Gaza is better today, now that the ban on the entry of food and most other goods has been lifted, Turner said that as long as the ban on exports remains in force, the "unprecedented levels of 'man made' aid dependency" will remain in force as well.
Attorney Sari Bashi of Gisha said Israel's claim that it isn't responsible for Gaza's population is clearly in contradiction with the fact that "it can determine the amount and types of food that will be found in the markets. This control obligates it to refrain from restrictions on movement that don't answer a concrete security need an obligation that isn't being met by the current policy. Amira Hass Oct. Sign up to receive the daily top stories from the National Post, a division of Postmedia Network Inc.
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